Vietnam's identity has been shaped by long-running conflicts, both internally and with foreign forces. In 111 BC, China’s Han dynasty conquered the Red River Delta in northern Vietnam. China ruled Vietnam for the next 1,000 years, inculcating it with Confucian ideas and political culture, but also leaving a strong tradition of resistance to foreign occupation. In 939 AD, Vietnam achieved independence under a native dynasty. After 1471, when Vietnam conquered the Champa Kingdom in what is now central Vietnam, the Vietnamese moved gradually southward. They finally reached the agriculturally rich Mekong Delta, where they encountered previously settled communities of Cham and Cambodians.
As Vietnam’s Le dynasty declined, powerful northern and southern families, the Trinh and Nguyen, fought civil wars in the 17th and 18th centuries. A peasant revolt originating in the Tay Son region of central Vietnam defeated both the Nguyen and the Trinh and unified the country at the end of the 18th century. However, a surviving member of the Nguyen family suppressed this revolt, thus founding the Nguyen dynasty as Emperor Gia Long in 1802.
Western penetration into Vietnam
In 1516 Portuguese adventurers arriving by sea inaugurated the era of Western penetration into Vietnam. Though they were followed by missionaries and traders over the next two centuries, by the end of the 17th century the rival Trinh and Nguyen states had lost interest in maintaining relations with European countries. By the middle of the nineteenth century, a succession of anti-Western emperors expelled foreign, mainly French, missionaries, in an attempt to eliminate foreign influence. In response, France invaded Vietnam in 1858 and controlled the Southern third of the country by 1862, naming their colony Cochinchina, with a capital in Saigon. By 1885 the French had conquered all of Vietnam, which they divided into three colonies: Cochinchina in the south, Tonkin in the north, and Annam in between. All of which became part of French Indochina in 1887, along with Cambodia and, in 1893, Laos.
Movements of national liberation: 1887 - 1954
The independence movement in Vietnam started with the establishment of French rule. Many local officials refused to collaborate with the French, and some led guerrilla groups in attacks on French outposts. A new national movement arose in the early 20th century, but was suppressed by the French with the help of China. Finally, between 1930 and 1945, Ho Chi Minh succeeded in making his Indochinese Communist Party the leading movement for national liberation against French imperialism. Born in 1890, Ho was the outstanding figure in 20th century Vietnamese history. As a young seaman, Ho Chi Minh traveled widely, living in New York and Boston in 1912 and 1913, London between 1913 and 1917, and settling in Paris in 1917, where he began an intensive study of history and politics. Inspired by the US Declaration of Independence and by President Woodrow Wilson’s speeches favoring national self-determination, in 1918 Ho petitioned Wilson at the Versailles Peace Conference to persuade the French government to grant Vietnam democratic governance and other reforms—but not independence. However, Wilson ignored him. A few years later, in 1921, Ho became a founding member of the Communist Party of France, reckoning—correctly as it turned out—that the Soviet Union would be more likely to assist Vietnamese independence than the US would. Indeed, Ho once admitted that, “It was patriotism, not communism, that inspired me.” A self-professed admirer of French language and culture, Ho spent the 1920s and 1930s in China, Russia and Western Europe, finally returning to Vietnam in 1941, where he quickly became the leader of its independence movement, fighting both the French and the Japanese.
The exploitative political economy of French rule in Vietnam explains the eventual success of Ho’s communist movement in two ways. First, politically French rule was entirely autocratic, employing French administrators for all but the most minor functions, extending no civil liberties to the native population, and brutally crushing dissent. Second, economically French colonial capitalism was overwhelmingly exploitative of the Vietnamese. The French created a plantation economy in Vietnam, concentrating landownership among a small number of nearly feudal landholders, while the mass of peasants owned little or no land. Further, the French excluded the Vietnamese from participation in the limited development of modern industry and trade. Whatever economic progress Vietnam made, benefited only the French and the small class of wealthy Vietnamese landlords the colonial regime created. As a result, no property-owning indigenous middle class developed in colonial Vietnam. Thus, capitalism manifested itself to the Vietnamese as an exploitative system of foreign rule which benefitted them little or not at all. The Vietnamese had little to no stake in either the colonial government or in capitalism, whose exploitative nature they viewed as part and parcel of French rule.
Ho’s Communist Party cemented its positive reputation during the Japanese occupation of World War II. At that time, Indochina was a French-administered possession of Japan, hosting about 30,000 Japanese troops. Shortly after his return to Vietnam in 1941, Ho Chi Minh formed a broad nationalist alliance called the League for the Independence of Vietnam (the “Viet Minh”), which the communist party dominated. The Viet Minh provided the Allies information on Japanese troop movements in Indochina, and sought recognition as the legitimate representative of the Vietnamese people. Indeed, in early 1945 the American
OSS (the precursor of the CIA) armed and trained Viet Minh guerillas, and an American medic provided critical treatment for Ho’s malaria, probably saving his life. When the Japanese surrendered in August 1945, the Viet Minh led a general uprising and seized power in Hanoi. On September 2, the Viet Minh issued the
Vietnamese Declaration of Independence, in which Ho quoted the American Declaration of Independence and once again actively sought American support. Bao Dai, the Vietnamese puppet emperor, quickly abdicated and declared his loyalty to the newly proclaimed Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
The French, however, were determined to restore their power in Indochina and seized control of the Cochinchina region around Saigon. Thus, at the beginning of 1946, Vietnam was divided between a Vietnamese led north and a foreign dominated south, a situation that was to last for nearly thirty years.
The First Indochina War
Negotiations between the French and Ho Chi Minh led to an agreement in March 1946. The Viet Minh agreed to delay full independence if France would recognize the Viet Minh government as a free state within the French Union (the successor to the French Empire) and withdraw its troops over five years. The French abrogated the agreement as early as June, when Georges-Thierry d’Argenlieu, the high commissioner for Indochina, proclaimed Cochin China an autonomous republic. In November, the French navy bombarded Haiphong, the large port city outside of Hanoi, causing thousands of civilian casualties, and the Viet Minh responded by attacking French troops in Hanoi.
Although the French were initially confident of victory, they ignored the underlying cause of the war—the desire of the Vietnamese people, regardless of their politics, to achieve unity and independence for their country. French efforts to co-opt these aspirations were devious and ineffective. The French reunited Cochinchina with the rest of Vietnam in 1949, proclaimed the Associated State of Vietnam, and appointed the former emperor Bao Dai as chief of state. Most nationalists denounced these maneuvers, and the Viet Minh retained their leadership of the independence struggle.
Meanwhile, the Viet Minh waged an increasingly successful guerrilla war, aided after 1949 by the new communist government of China. The US, fearing what it interpreted as the spread of communism in Asia, gave million of dollars to the French, and was eventually paying for 80% of the war’s cost. However, faced with a growing antiwar movement in France, and shaken by the fall of the garrison at Dien Bien Phu, North Vietnam in May 1954, the French government agreed to an armistice in 1954.
Between the Wars: 1954–1960
The agreements concluded in Geneva between April and July 1954 (the Geneva Accords), signed by French and Viet Minh representatives. The agreement provided for a cease-fire, a temporary division of the country into two military zones (north and south), and nationwide, internationally supervised elections for July 1956. They also expressly forbade interference in Vietnam by foreign powers. All Viet Minh forces withdrew north of the 17th parallel, and all French and Associated State of Vietnam troops remained south of it. An international commission was established to supervise execution of the agreement, including the elections. South Vietnamese Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem soon toppled Emperor Bao Dai in a fraudulent referendum and proclaimed himself president. Because the Viet Minh appeared certain to win the elections, Diem, supported by the US, refused to hold them, despite repeated calls from the North for talks to discuss elections.
The two Vietnams now began to reconstruct their war-ravaged country. With assistance from China and the Soviet Union, North Vietnam began an ambitious program of industrialization and agricultural reform, which was nevertheless unpopular with their people. In the south, however, Diem’s early success in consolidating power failed to yield concrete political and economic achievements. Entrenched interests sabotaged land reform, and the regime, with US financial backing, instead focused its energies on building up the military and security forces to counter the still-influential Viet Minh. Diem used authoritarian methods against all whom he regarded as opponents, and discriminated against non-Catholics (Diem was Catholic), despite the fact that Catholicism was a minority faith. Diem made loyalty to himself and his family paramount, while his brother, Ngo Dinh Nhu, founded an elitist party to spy on officials, army officers, and prominent local citizens.
Meanwhile, with support from the north, an indigenous opposition movement, called the National Liberation Front or Viet Cong, launched an insurgency to topple the South Vietnamese government and reunify the country. The deaths of eight unarmed Buddhist civilians on May 8, 1963, in the city of Huế, South Vietnam, at the hands of government security forces, only worsened Diem’s troubles. The army and police had fired guns and launched grenades into a crowd of Buddhists who were protesting a government ban on flying the Buddhist flag on the day of Vesak, which commemorates the birth of Gautama Buddha. Diem’s clumsy attempt to blame the Viet Cong for the incident led to growing discontent among the Buddhist majority. By late 1963, the Viet Cong insurrection appeared close to succeeding, when the South Vietnamese army, with the implicit approval of the US, overthrew and killed Diem in a November 1963 coup d’état.
The new government, however, was no more effective than its predecessor. A period of political instability followed, until the military seized control in June 1965. The military government restricted civil liberties, labeled political opponents communists and imprisoned them, and allowed political parties to operate only if they did not openly criticize government policy. These tendencies and policies remained in effect through the fall of Saigon in 1975, meaning that South Vietnam was no more free or democratic than North Vietnam. South Vietnam was also incompetent in its fight with the Viet Cong. Aided by a steady infiltration of weapons and advisers along the “Ho Chi Minh trail” from the north, Viet Cong fighting strength grew from about 30,000 men in 1963 to about 150,000 in 1965 when, according to American intelligence analysts, the survival of the Saigon regime was seriously threatened.
The Second Indochina War: The US in Vietnam, 1960-1975
Until 1960 US support for the South Vietnam was limited to money, military equipment and 700 advisers for military training. By the end of 1963, the number of advisors had increased to 17,000, who were joined by a growing number of American helicopter pilots. Nevertheless, the war continued to go badly for the South, which on its own seemed incapable of slowing the progress of the Viet Cong. While President Lyndon Johnson was willing to increase American involvement in Vietnam, he was aware that public opinion was not clamoring for a new war. Thus, even as his advisors drafted a resolution to give him broad power to intervene militarily in Vietnam, Johnson searched for a propitious moment to make his case. In August 1964, ambiguous and contradictory reports regarding an alleged incident between American and North Vietnamese ships in the Gulf of Tonkin, which is off the North Vietnamese coast, gave Johnson the pretext he needed. (On a dark and stormy night?), an American destroyer called in air support and fired upon supposed enemy vessels, though by the next day, the ship’s captain believed he had likely not been under attack. Nonetheless, Johnson exaggerated the incident into an attack on American vessels that required a military response. On August 4, President Johnson successfully requested Congress to pass the
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which gave him authority “to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force,” to defend US interests in Southeast Asia.
Relying on the resolution, in March 1965, Johnson started sending troops to Vietnam. By July, 75,000 American troops were there, a number that kept growing until it stood at more than 500,000 by early 1968. Fighting beside the Americans were about 600,000 South Vietnamese troops, whose competence and loyalty were minimal. The US strategy combined intensive bombing of the north and ground fighting against the Viet Cong in the south. The bombing campaign, called “Operation Rolling Thunder,” eventually comprised more than a million sorties dropping 750,000 tons of bombs. However, the massive troop buildup and bombing campaign failed to weaken the will or strength of the Viet Cong and their allies in the north. Indeed, by 1967, US intelligence had determined that bombing was ineffective, but it was nonetheless continued. Infiltration of personnel and supplies down the famous Ho Chi Minh Trail continued to escalate, and regular North Vietnamese troops played a growing role in the war. By December 1967, 45% of Americans believed that the country’s involvement in Vietnam was a mistake.
For the US, 1968 was the turning point in the war, as a series setbacks convinced the American people, as well as many American political leaders, that the cost of winning the war, if even possible, was simply too high. By the beginning of 1968, more than 19,000 Americans had died in Vietnam since the 1965 escalation, and 16,000 more were lost during 1968. In late January, the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese Army launched a coordinated action, the Tet Offensive, which involved attacks on more than 100 cities and military bases, some of which they held for several weeks. Some initial successes included the penetration of downtown Saigon, the invasion of the US Embassy grounds there, and sieges at Huế and Khe Sahn. Although the offensive was beaten back and became a military disaster for the Viet Cong, which sustained crippling losses, it profoundly shocked the American public, who had been told by their political and military leaders that the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese were incapable of launching such a massive offensive. These reversals only strengthened the growing antiwar movement. In addition, the inability of the military leadership to present a realistic new strategy led to a growing conviction within the government that continuing the war at the current levels was no longer politically acceptable. This belief was reflected in President Johnson’s decision to restrict bombing in the north, the commencement of peace negotiations with Hanoi in Paris in May 1968, and the fact that in the 1968 presidential election both Democrat Hubert Humphrey and Republican Richard Nixon campaigned for a speedy end to the war.
The winner of that election, Nixon, began to withdraw US troops gradually, but public opposition to the war escalated after he ordered attacks on the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Laos and Viet Cong sanctuaries inside Cambodia. These attacks further destabilized those countries and led to the student protests that turned into massacres of unarmed civilians on May 14, 1970 at
Kent State University in Ohio and
Jackson State University in Mississippi. Other developments that crystallized the growing opposition to the war included the November 1969 revelation that American troops had massacred at least 347 civilians, including children and the elderly, in March 1968 at the village of
My Lai, South Vietnam; and the June 1971 publication in the New York Times of the
Pentagon Papers, a top secret Defense Department history of American involvement in Southeast Asia that contradicted much of what the government had been telling the American people.
Meanwhile, peace negotiations in Paris dragged on. Finally, in January 1973, the US, North & South Vietnam, and the Viet Cong signed a peace treaty providing for the complete withdrawal of US troops within 60 days and creating a political process for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in the south. However, the Paris Agreement did not bring an end to the fighting in Vietnam. The Saigon regime made a determined effort to eliminate the Viet Cong forces remaining in the south, while northern leaders continued to strengthen their own military forces in preparation for a possible future confrontation. By late 1974 Hanoi had decided that victory could be achieved only through force of arms, and in early 1975 North Vietnamese troops launched a major offensive against the south. Saigon’s forces retreated in panic and disorder, and on April 30, 1975, the North Vietnamese Army entered Saigon in triumph. The Second Indochina War was finally at an end, though with staggering losses. American losses totaled 58,209 dead, 303,635 wounded (including 153,303 who required hospitalization), and 1,948 missing in action. Tragic as they are, however, these figures pale in comparison to the estimated 500,000 to 2,000,000 deaths sustained by the Vietnamese people, whose total population was far smaller than that of the US.
Reunified Vietnam: 1976-present
Following the communist victory, Saigon was renamed Ho Chi Minh City, after the independence leader who had died in 1969. Vietnam remained theoretically divided until July 2, 1976, when the Socialist Republic of Vietnam was officially proclaimed, with its capital at Hanoi. Unified Vietnam faced formidable problems. In the south alone, more than one-seventh of the population had been killed or wounded, while losses in the north were comparable. The government planned to reconstruct the country by expanding industry in the north and agriculture in the south. Within two years of the communist victory, however, it became clear that Vietnam would face major difficulties in realizing its goals.
The government embarked on a mass campaign of collectivization of farms and factories. Reconstruction of the war-ravaged country was slow, and serious humanitarian and economic problems confronted the regime. Millions of people fled the country in crudely-built boats, creating an international humanitarian crisis. In 1978, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia (sparking the Cambodian-Vietnamese War), removed the Khmer Rouge from power, put a halt to its mass murders of the population there, and installed a pro-Vietnamese government in Phnom Penh. However, the invasion damaged relations with China, which launched a brief incursion into northern Vietnam (the Sino-Vietnamese War) in 1979. This conflict caused Vietnam to rely even more heavily on Soviet economic and military aid. At this point, Vietnam found itself relatively isolated within the international community. The members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations opposed the occupation of Cambodia and joined with China in supporting guerrilla resistance groups. The US and other Western countries imposed an economic trade embargo on Vietnam. Only the Soviet Union and its allies in Eastern Europe stood by Vietnam.
In a historic shift in 1986, the Communist Party of Vietnam implemented free-market reforms known as Đổi Mới (renovation), which were inspired by the contemporaneous Soviet reforms known as perestroika (restructuring). Although the authority of the state remained unchallenged, private ownership of farms and companies, deregulation and foreign investment were encouraged. The economy of Vietnam has since achieved rapid growth in agricultural and industrial production, construction and housing, exports and foreign investment.
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